Controversies In Globalization Pdf Files

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Global history, dividing the course into five thematic units covering the Atlantic World, Slavery, Revolutions, Nations and Empire. In addressing these five broad concepts, students explore specific subjects such as global trade and industrialization as well the diverse ways that historians have sought to understand them. To the impact of globalization on employment, WCII and poverty in DCs, while the concluding Section 6 will summarize the main findings and suggest some policy implications. Definition and methodology “Globalization” is currently a popular and controversial issue, though often remaining a loose and poorly-defined concept.

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The right controversial issues regarding consequences of globalization are as follows:

With the concept of globalization becoming stronger and mature, we are today at the doorsteps of what Mcluhan calls a ‘global village’. Our daily life is governed by products originating from all the corners of the world. More and more people are falling within the global mainstream. But there is yet another scene.

On the one hand, globalization is promoting ‘uniformization’ or ‘homogenization’, and on the other, there is increasing demand for autonomy and identity. This has resulted in diversity. We all live in diversity and this can hardly be denied. The complexity connected to the diversity is inevitable. Perhaps, this will increase.

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The two-fold action between the processes which constitute and feed each other, i.e., globalization and localization, is responsible for this. In fact, globalization has given certain challenges to the modern and postmodern societies. These challenges have become controversial for sociologists who have analyzed globalization.

We shall mention some of these debatable issues here:

1. Globalization and localization:

Wallerstein argues that globalization is the transformation of world system with its own laws and rules. In this process, there is emergence of multination’s and global exchange of people, goods, services and mutual dependencies. Thus, the trans-communication creates a worldwide web of interdependence.

But, globalization also creates favourable conditions for all forms of particularization, localization, and even fragmentation. The challenge given by localization is elaborately discussed by Featherstone, Friedman, Giddens, Hannerz, Latour and Robertson.

Arie de Ruizter comments on this problematic issue:

Apparently, the emergence of a transnational system implies the rebirth of nationalism, regionalism, and ethnicity. Here, we touch the other extreme, the localization. It appears that globalization cannot exist without its corollary, i.e., the processes of localization.

Apparently, they constitute and feed each other. In this era of time-space compression, distant localities are linked in such a way that local happenings are shaped by events occurring many miles away and vice versa.

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The interaction between global and local is also termed as hybridization of institutions or fragmentation of society. Robertson says that the impact of globalization has a great bearing on the local formulations. He refers to the situation of Japan. In this connection, a term ‘globalize’ is used for indicating global localization.

Robertson defines globalization as a term which was developed in particular reference to marketing issues, as Japan became more concerned with and successful in the global economy against the background of much experience with the general problems of the relationship between universal and the particular.

The developing countries in Asia and Africa are much scared about the expansion of globalization. They consider it to be a new kind of imperialism, which exercises its hegemony in the fields of economy and culture. The U.S. is the leading champion, which subordinates the nation-state cultures.

The nation-state and grass roots culture are always in fear of its extinction. The other side of such a notion is that the proliferation of globalization would in the long run establish a uniform social order. The end of this process is homogenization.

2. Globalization develops anti-modernist ideology:

The issue of nation-state development has gained a fresh dimension in the wake of globalization. Modernization advocated the ideology of progress and development. It became the responsibility of nation-states to lead the people to the goal of development. But, with the coming of post-modernity, the power of nation-state has become quite limited.

Post-modernity has now displaced modernity. There is a general understanding among the people that globalization discourses announce the end of the nation-state. In fact, it is this decline of the nation-state, which is responsible for the marginalization of development programmes.

Frans J. Schuurman (2001) is disappointed with the process of globalization. He is among those who argue that globalization has put an end to development. Privatization, which is an ingredient of globalization, does not bother for the marginalized sections of society.

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His comments run as under:

When modernity moved into crisis and post-modernity threatened to replace it, development studies also moved into what was called ‘the impasse’ and the notion of development received some serious attacks, various kinds of alternative ‘development’ notions were presented. The specific reason why development studies feel challenged by the concept of globalization, is not only because globalization (even more than post-modernity) is heralding the end of the modern age, it is also because there is a changing view on the role of the nation-state.

Schuurman provides a large number of arguments in favour of development programmes. He says that every individual has a right to claim for development. And, this right of development resides in the state. In other words, right to development stems from the people and the people in turn are sovereign and are therefore equated with states.

It is, therefore, the view of those who consider development as a part of the state/government. But, there is another side to this argument. The postmodernists claim that the society is run by the market. And, therefore, the market would look into the problem of development. Arguments cannot be alternatives to any programmes of development and therefore, in the years to come, development would cease to be an active part of state agenda.

3. Crisis for sociological theories:

Malcolm Waters argues that globalization is basically a theory of social change. Sociologists have been studying social change through a variety of social change theories. But, in the context of globalization, is it possible for us to employ Marxian theory of conflict and functionalism to analyze the consequences of globalization? What is worse is that the postmodern social theory is very much critical of mega-narratives and in such a situation will these great theories be able to comprehend globalization.

Waters (1995) writes:

Such controversies as these are appearing to surround the issue of whether old Marxist or functionalist theories can be adapted to explain globalization or whether we need to construct novel arguments. This may be because sociological theories of change have almost always implied the universalization of the processes that they explain.

Although, it did not arise without sociology, the concept has therefore found instant appeal across a range of intellectual interests. It remains for sociology to connect the concept with its own vital theoretical traditions. Waters has not touched the emergence of social theory but the reality is that globalization along with post-modernity has made conflict and functional theory irrelevant.

4. Risk of ecological degradation:

Ulrich Beck has talked about the risks, which are characteristics of modern and postmodern societies. People in these societies are obliged to experience much of ecological degradation. Capitalism has remained as the only alternative, after the collapse of Soviet Russia.

History Of Globalization Pdf

Earlier, technology was predominantly oriented to maximize the production and whatever was gained by massive production was fairly distributed by the nation-state. But, the process of globalization has made the nation-state quite impotent. As a consequence of it, the weaker sections of the society feel highly victimized.

The German sociologist Beck’s argument is simple: Earlier, the nation-state was a guardian who could appropriate the benefits of modernization in a justifiable way. But globalization has today made the state fragile and replaced it by multinational corporations.

Beck (1992) draws our attention to capitalism’s global infiltration:

In the welfare states of the West a double process is taking place now. On the one hand, the struggle for one’s ‘daily bread’ has lost its urgency as a cardinal problem overshadowing everything else, compared to material subsistence in the first half of this century, and to a third world menaced by hunger .Parallel to that, the knowledge is spreading that the sources of wealth are ‘polluted’ by growing ‘hazardous’ side effects.

Globalization has also done the worse in degrading environment. Capitalism thinks only for its expansion. For Beck, modernization is the primary globalization force. Global risks are the product of global industrialization. But, because risk is itself inherently globalizing, the advent of risk society accelerates the globalization process.

It is in terms of this effect that Beck makes his contribution to the conceptualization of globalization. Risk globalizes because it universalizes and equalizes. It affects every member of society regardless of location and class position. Moreover, it respects no border.

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Beck (1992) makes his observation:

Food chains connect practically everyone on earth to everyone else. They dip under borders. The acid content of the air is not only nibbling at sculptures and artistic treasures, it also long ago brought about the disintegration of modern customs barriers. Even in Canada the lakes have become acidified and forests are dying even in the northern reaches of Scandinavia.

What Beck argues is that globalization cuts across the international boundaries, and therefore the risks of modernity travel without any barrier. There is actually a process of risk distribution through the expansion of globalization. This process is called Boomerang Curve by Beck. Here, the effect of risk is of boomerang kind.

What actually happens is that the hazardous consequences of risks return to their sources and adversely affect those who produce them. The risks are not only in the field of environment, they also influence other sectors of society such as money, property and legitimation.

5. Controversy over time-space compression:

Globalization is in no sense an ordinary process of social change. It involves a large number of themes such as modernity, post-modernity, development, risk and time-space compression. There is no general agreement over all these issues and themes covered by globalization.

The position taken by Giddens (1990) is that the transformation of society through globalization is a continuation of modernity. There has never been break in the modernity. Lyotard (1984), on the other hand, disagrees with Giddens.

Lyotard’s argument is that when modernity failed or in other words, metanarratives became irrelevant, the post-modernity or globalization emerged. For Giddens, there is nothing new in globalization. It has only radicalized modernity.

The issue of a connection between postmodernism and globalization is the source of much theoretical speculation. The problem is to link post-modernization with globalization. Perhaps, David Harvey (1989), a geographer, is the first to link globalization with post-modernity.

And, the linkage is through time-space compression. Like Giddens, Harvey begins with an analysis of pre-modern conceptions of space and time, although the issue of space is here held to be primary.

In the feudal context, space was conceived within the terms of a relatively autonomous community that involved a fused pattern of economic, political and religious rights and obligations. Space outside the community was only dimly perceived, time even more so. These localized conceptions of time and space were reconstructed during the renaissance.

Harvey argues that the time-space compression bursts out occasionally. Giddens does not agree with Harvey’s time-space compression. Rather, he talks about time-space distanciation. Thus, according to Giddens, time and space have become stretched. This is not, of course, the meaning that he intends.

What he wants to convey is that social relationship are becoming stretched across great distances. In other words, new communication technologies are ensuring that social relationships between kin or colleagues are becoming more intense and robust. Viewed from such an analysis of time-space compression and time-space distanciation, Harvey and Giddens come closer.

6. Globalization: The issue of logics:

A review of the literature on globalization highlights one fundamental disagreement at the level of theory. One group of authors argue that globalization can be explained by the primacy of one causal logic. Among these authors are included Wallerstein, Rosenau and Gilpin. Another group of authors is headed by Giddens. This group argues that theoretically globalization can be explained by four discrete logics instead of single causal logic.

Wallerstein explains globalization by a single logic. He has introduced the concept of the world system and has stressed the centrality of capitalism to the process of globalization. Gilpin and Rosenau consider international relations as the key idiom of globalization.

Thus, Rosenau associates globalization with technological progress, whilst Gilpin considers it to be an expression of politico-military factors (power politics). Accordingly, each of these three authors locates the causal logic of globalization in a specific institutional domain: the economic, the technological, and the political, respectively.

Instead of a single causal logic, Giddens points to four discrete logics. He says that there are four institutions which are linked together and which make globalization as a possibility. These institutions include: capitalism, industrialism, nation-state system and military power. But, the theoretical disagreements should not disturb anybody because globalization is by nature dialectical. The disagreements, in fact, constitute the basic pillars of globalization.

7. Controversy over a global society:

What should be the shape of a global society? There is controversy over this question. Will globalization develop a society, which would be emancipatory for the mankind as a whole? What we call today liberalism and Marxism have their roots in an enlightened universalism.

This universalism is supposed to be charged by a cosmopolitan world society, a global society in which transnational social bonds and universally held notions of peace, justice, equality and freedom would define the conditions of human existence.

It is said by some of the propagators of globalization that in its present form it carries most of these objectives. Fukuyama whom we have referred earlier said in 1989 that globalization and post-modernity announce the ‘triumph’ of liberalism across the world as the beginnings of a new area of ‘perpetual peace’.

Fukuyama further says that there is end of history after the cold war, that is, disintegration of Soviet Russia. And, now, the only alternative left with the world is that of capitalism. Capitalism is our future; it is our destiny.

Wallerstein (1983) has contested the views of Fukuyama. He argues that the contemporary era is not the triumph of capitalism, nor is it the victory of liberalism. It is an era of crisis, which will bring in its wake emancipation on a global scale. Wallerstein further argues that capitalism is so strong and powerful that it is difficult for nation-states and people to get out of it. He says:

Despite the appearance of fragmentation (in post-modernity), nature of global markets and the global mobility of capital ensure that few states or people can opt out of the logic of this capitalist world political economy.

Harvey and Jameson support Fukuyama with a tongue in their cheek. They argue that in the last thirty years capital has extended its reach and, because of new technologies of communication and control, it has become even more mobile. Furthermore, they argue that this increasingly, global form of capitalism is associated with a profound transformation in the nature of the existing world capitalist order. A new form of global capitalism (late capitalism) has extended and deepened its reach across the globe. With this has come an increasing penetration and consolidation of capitalist social relations on a global scale.

8. A bifurcated world: Rosenau’s views on globalization:

Globalization is said to bring uniformity. It encourages homogenization. It is centrally capitalistic. All such definitions and meanings of globalization are controversial. For instance, the worldview of Rosenau is different.

He argues that the logic of globalization is located in technology. By technology he means specifically the shift to a post-industrial order. Taking technology as his basic thrust of argument, Rosenau draws his conclusions and develops the form of the contemporary global system.

He draws heavily from August Comte and says that the world society arises from the global diffusion of techno-industrial civilization. Rosenau has produced a highly original account of the contemporary global condition in his book, Interdependence and Conflict in World Politics (1989). He rejects not only the notion of a ‘global civilization’ but also that of a ‘capitalist world society’.

Instead, he identifies a complete fracturing of the global system, a structural bifurcation, as the full force of post-industrialism is experienced across the globe. His argument indicates that there is no longer a single global society but rather two:

(1) A society of states, in which diplomacy and national power remain the critical variables, and

(2) A world in which multifarious organizations, groups and individuals, each pursuing its own interests, create an ever more intricate web of transnational relations which are outside the control of any single nation-state.

Thus, the worldview of Rosenau is bifurcated. He labels this world as multi-centric world. It is a hyper-pluralist transnational society.

Its characteristics are:

(1) Transnational organizations, such as transnational banks, International Sociological Association, Red Cross, Oxfam, social movements.

(2) Transnational problems, such as pollution, drugs, ethnicity, AIDS and environmental degradation.

(3) Transnational events or happenings, such as live TV broadcasts during war, attack on Iraq, etc.

(4) Transnational communities, based on religion, Islam, Hinduism, knowledge-based academic networks, culture-art world.

(5) Transnational structures, such as those of production, finance, and knowledge.

The thrust of Rosenau’s theoretical argument is that globalization has bifurcated the contemporary world instead of making it homogeneous and single. His bifurcated world thus consists of:

(1) Nation-state-centric world, and

(2) Multi-centric world having international linkages.

This bifurcated world is the world of international politics. Thus, in the foregoing article, we have discussed some of the issues of globalization, which have become controversial. Each scholar has his own logic about the consequences of globalization. What would be the form or shape of global society?

The question has been addressed by several sociologists, economists and geographers. The positions taken by these social scientists are varying. There is little common ground for their meeting. It is because each of them delivers his own distinctive response to the consequences and challenges of globalization.

None of these positions can be judged to be either wholly right or wrong, true or false, since each is essentially attempting little more than claiming to represent the most judicious assessment of where contemporary trends are leading.

Despite disagreements among themselves the authors writing on globalization share some common ground.

In particular, while each one of them gives his own model of global society, they all share a belief in the following broad observations:

(1) Modern or postmodern societies can only be understood within a global setting; now, no society is a capsule society.

(2) Whether the nation-state is any longer the most appropriate political unit for organizing human affairs in a more interconnected world system? Nation-state according to all the authors is under a serious clout.

(3) With the increase in economic interdependence, the nation-state economy has got a serious setback. Even Gilpin, a staunch champion of realism, acknowledges that the intensification of economic dependence has decreased national economic autonomy. And, what will happen to nation-states when contemporary military power has internationally increased?

It is difficult indeed to make any considered statement about the theme of globalization and its consequences. We can do no better than to close our concluding observations by the quotation of Anthony McGrew (‘A Global Society’, in Modernity and its Futures, by Stuart Hall et al, 1993):

As the end of the century draws near, globalization is forcing us to rethink the nature of the ‘political community’, the basic unit of human affairs. Indeed, globalization appears to be challenging the modern orthodoxy that the nation-state defines the ‘good community’.